Ukraine, Poland and Europe: memory must not become an obstacle to our common struggle

This text is a collective statement by representatives of civil society from Ukraine, Poland, and France concerning Polish–Ukrainian relations, historical memory, and the importance of preserving European unity in the face of Russia's aggression against Ukraine

Signatories:

Philippe Quéré – Editor of the personalist journal Cahiers Personnes.

Dariia Rudenko – Head of Communications in in a French–Ukrainian association Notre Espoir pour l'Ukraine Association.

Adrianna Żukowska – Associate Editor, Cahiers Personnes.

Patrick Puges – Member of the association Pour l'Ukraine.

Władysław Jacenko – Journalist, Slava TV.

Karol Grabias – Philosopher and Editor of the Polish personalist journal Więź.

Ukraine and its European partners must remain committed to our historic project of acknowledging and fostering dialogue among the diverse memories that shape Europe.

We stand united in support of Ukraine's resistance to the Russian invasion. We recognize the scale of the Ukrainian people's struggle, the sacrifices that have been made, and the moral and historical resources required for this vital fight for the Ukrainian nation. We know that for more than four years Ukrainian youth have been giving their lives to defend the frontiers of our shared values. It is precisely for this reason that some of President Zelensky's recent decisions raise questions for us.

President Zelensky's participation in the reburial of Andriy Melnyk and the decision to name a unit of Ukraine's Special Operations Forces "Heroes of the UPA" have provoked strong reactions in Poland and in many other European countries. In Ukraine, however, these references are often viewed as part of the national memory of the struggle for independence. The same historical figures can carry profoundly different meanings depending on national memories and historical experiences. This is precisely why open and honest dialogue is indispensable.

Even if these decisions were shaped by complex domestic considerations, the unqualified mobilization of this aspect of Ukrainian national memory as a tool to counter Russian propaganda and historical revisionism risks alienating, at least in part, a partner as vital to Europe's security as Poland. For many Poles, this memory remains an open wound. The reaction of Lech Wałęsa illustrates this reality: he removed from his official attire the Ukrainian flag that he had worn consistently since February 2022, despite the fact that his historic struggle for freedom and Solidarity has in recent years also been a struggle alongside Ukrainians. For this reason, President Zelensky's decision should become the subject of dialogue between European neighbours.

For many years, Ukraine and Poland have held different assessments of the role of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) in the twentieth century. In Polish society, the UPA is primarily associated with the mass killings of tens of thousands of civilians in Volhynia in 1943. In Ukraine, attitudes toward the movement remain more complex. For some, it is associated with tragic episodes of violence and collaboration with occupying forces; for others, it symbolizes the struggle for an independent Ukrainian state that failed to secure its existence either after the events of 1918 or at the end of the Second World War.

Since the start of Russia's full–scale invasion, this latter interpretation has gained significant strength. The UPA is increasingly perceived as a symbol of national resistance to attempts to deny Ukraine's very existence as an independent state.

Every European nation has the right to its own historical narrative and its own symbols of the struggle for sovereignty. Yet recognizing the role of certain figures in achieving independence does not remove the obligation to assess honestly the violence and crimes with which they may have been associated. The central challenge is to ensure that neighbouring nations can honour different historical figures while continuing the serious work of establishing the truth about the crimes of the twentieth century.

No one in Warsaw can determine what Ukrainian historical memory should be, just as no one in Kyiv can determine Polish historical memory. As in other European countries, friendship between Poland and Ukraine cannot be built either on denying Polish suffering or on rejecting Ukraine's understanding of its own history and struggle for independence.

Europe's shared memory was shaped through a difficult process of confronting the tragedies caused by the authoritarian and totalitarian regimes of the 1930s and 1940s, which justified violence against entire groups of people in the name of national, racial, or class–based utopias. European nations learned, often at an immense human cost, that no national history can be built securely on the erasure of other peoples' suffering.

We support Ukraine's future membership in the European Union. Above all, the European Union is a project of reconciliation among nations that have succeeded in establishing dialogue, gradually acknowledging each other's historical traumas, and overcoming the conflicts of the past. It was for this historic achievement in reconciliation that the European Union was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.

In light of the current situation, we expect leadership from President Volodymyr Zelensky, including a willingness to provide the necessary explanations and to make a gesture that could help reduce tensions and allow the dialogue initiated between Ukraine and Poland in recent years to continue.

In particular, we refer to the agreement reached on 15 January 2025 with Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk regarding the exhumation of the victims of the Volhynia tragedy. The initial stages of this work have been successful and have helped establish new contacts between Polish and Ukrainian communities directly connected to this painful chapter of shared history. Another important step was the joint Polish–Ukrainian Congress of Historians held last May, which opened new opportunities for dialogue on historical memory and for developing a shared understanding of difficult chapters of the past.

At the same time, the Polish authorities, including President Karol Nawrocki, should refrain from using this issue for domestic political purposes. Although the legacy of the UPA has repeatedly sparked intense debate in Poland, it has not prevented the two countries from building an unprecedented strategic partnership in the face of threats confronting all of Europe. Even the tensions that arose in 2015 following the decision to grant UPA fighters official recognition as fighters for Ukraine's independence did not undermine that partnership.

No European nation can regard itself as beyond reproach in light of its own history. Poland and Ukraine carry some of the most painful historical legacies on our continent. Volhynia became a land where the blood of innocent Ukrainians and Poles was shed for years. For this reason, this dispute, touching on historical memory, sovereignty, and painful chapters of the past, cannot be ignored. It demands responsibility and dialogue.

In this context, it is important to remember the strength of the ties between the two nations and the scale of support that Polish society has provided to Ukraine in recent years, welcoming more than one million refugees and consistently supporting Ukraine's resistance to Russian aggression.

For many years, European countries have experienced growing divisions and deep political polarization. Their institutions, democratic traditions, and liberal values are under increasing pressure. The war waged by Russia is directed against all of us.

As citizens of France, Ukraine, and Poland, we wish to reaffirm that preserving the unity of Europe's peoples, more vital today than ever before – is a responsibility shared by each and every one of us.